Insects have existed in different forms as food ingredients throughout human history, such as ingredients of a side dish, snack or a main dish [1]. They have been a part of essential diet in Africa, Latin America, and Asia and were not only used as a nutritive source, but as forms of medicines and delicacies [2]. However, Western societies were not familiar with eating insects, entomophagy and considered edible insects as occasional delicacies [1]. Approximately 2,100 edible insects were consumed [3].

However, the practice of eating insects as food is generally considered as unusual, although some cultures are more accepting of insects as food. For instance, the Chinese have a greater tolerance toward insect foods because they have a history consuming certain types of insects. Previous studies have shown that cultural differences have led to a variety of different attitudes towards consuming insects as food [4]. Regardless of these special contexts, insects as food have attracted interest as potential possible sources of nutrition for the future. It is known that food made from insects can be more efficient than meat products in terms of cost, nutrition, and other factors [5]. Edible insects can be a good source of protein because many are comprised of more than 50% protein [6]. For examples, mealworms, maggots, and rhinoceros beetle larva have more protein by weight than pork. Interestingly, however, nutritional value is not the most important consideration when it comes to the consumption of insects [7]. Despite nutritional values of edible insects for developing edible insects as food for the future, consumers do not pay much attention to edible insect foods (EIFs) products and in fact show food neophobia toward these foods. Hence, this study uses food neophobia and experience to explain consumer behavior in accordance with the extended theory of planned behavior (ETPB).

Neophobia is a term that is primarily related to food, and it is rooted in perceptions of immoral human behaviors or sources of disgust, such as insects, rotten food, or bad odors [7]. In regards specifically to the tendency to avoid new foods, this is referred to as food neophobia. Food neophobia is defined as “the extent to which consumers are reluctant to try novel foods,” which was revealed by findings regarding children's reluctance to eat novel food [8]. Children aged 2 to 6 years, which is a developmental stage, limits ingestion of unfamiliar food items received as potentially dangerous. Therefore, these kinds of food might taste unpleasant [9]. Previous studies showed that food neophobia affects both quality and preference of food among children [9]. Many studies have examined the relationship between food neophobia, a key construct in the food choice behavior, and purchasing behaviors; however, the context is still not entirely understood [10111213]. Many studies have examined the relationships between food neophobia which has been a key construct in the food choice behaviors and purchasing behaviors; however, the full context is still not fully understood [10111213]. Previous studies have shown that food neophobia is a barrier for the consumption of non-traditional foods [14] and for insect food consumption in some countries [15]. Furthermore, food neophobia has also been studied for determining the dining choices of tourists [16] and organic food consumption [17]. Food neophobia can be demonstrated as the level of willingness to consume new foods, and differences in food neophobia can be shown by factors such as gender, age, level of education, and others [11]. Regarding age differences, it was found that older people showed higher neophobia than younger people [1118]. For example, adults were more neophobic towards animal-origin food than children [19]. Gender differences also exist, wherein boys were more neophobic than girls [20]. Among adults, men were more neophobic than women [1120]. In terms of the educational level, neophobia decreased with an increase in the education level [1118]. Learning in the early stages of life about food and eating shapes one's food preferences [21]. In early childhood, eating habits develop [22], such as oral abilities [23] and cognitive functions [24]. Transition to complementary feeding accompanied by discovery of food, development of a sense of smell, taste, flavor, texture, energy density, and microbial communities at different stages leads to the development of food neophobia [25]. In addition, tasting education that provides more food experiences may help reduce food neophobia [26]. Korsmeyer and Sutton [27] examined how humans utilize their senses to experience food. Sensory experiences are necessary to learn to accept a food; however, they are inadequate when unusual foods are involved [12].

Eating behavior differs according to the context. The same dishes are not appreciated in the same way [28]. Food presentation and plating that is remembered by sight can also influence one's food experience [26]. According to social learning theory, individual experiences affect beliefs and expectations [29]. As per the health belief model, past health-related behavioral experience impacts the development of beliefs towards perceived susceptibility and perceived efficacy [30]. The more the direct experience with fast food consumption, the more the individual's ability to understand the consequences, such as health risks of their behavior [31]. Consumers' food-related experiences evolves with diverse stages. Dynamic states include complex interactions with food characteristics, like taste, scent, flavor, texture, color, and other visual factors [32]. Uncertainty regarding these factors might cause food neophobia [1133].

Previous studies have found that a higher level of knowledge and experience of EIFs increased the probability of eating them [4]. It was demonstrated that cognitive structures of food choice can vary in relatively close cultural areas [4]. In their study [4], they looked at differences in the willingness to buy insect foods between those living in Northern Europe and those in Central Europe, and the results showed that product related experiences were positively affected by subjective and objective knowledge influencing general attitudes that eventually made an impact on the willingness to buy. However, in comparisons between Hungarians and Belgians, certain groups would not try a new food even if they acknowledged the food was healthier than other choices [34].

Theory of reasoned action (TRA) proposed that consumers use information and recognize their role as a social influence [35]. The later theory of TRA, which is the theory of planned behavior (TPB), demonstrates that personal behaviors are difficult to control by rational judgement. TPB is an extended theory of TRA which was added the element of perceived control. TPB explained that attitude, subjective norms and PBC explained one's behavioral intentions. PBC is “the perceived ease or difficulty of performing the behavior;” subjective norm is “the perceived social pressure to perform or not to perform the behavior;” behavioral intention is “the degree to which a person has a favorable or unfavorable evaluation or appraisal of the behavior in question [36].” Therefore, the TPB indicates that a person's willingness and motivation to behave a certain way should be based on the person's actions [37]. Willingness and motivation are described by attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control [36]. This model with added variables is what comprises the previously mentioned ETPB.

Generally, in TPB, attitude measures favoritism, such as how positivity or negativity one feels towards the subject. Consumer attitudes for products are influenced by perceived benefits that can also be divided into utilitarian or hedonic benefits [38]. Further, attitude is the association of memory with the evaluation of an object [39]. Attitude needs to be segmented in a more detailed manner, such as one's personality easily categorized as introverted and extroverted. Attitude that leans towards other's opinions and social environment is an extroverted attitude, while one that follows one's beliefs is an introverted attitude. With consumer characteristics, such as age, values, personality, lifestyles, experiences affect attitudes, purchase intentions, and willingness to pay for products [40]. A subjective norm is the perception of a standard course of action as socially acceptable throughout a social group. Shin and Hancer [41] found that subjective norms influenced behaviors. However, subjective norms had no impact on behavioral intentions [42]. Perceived behavioral control indicates that one's perceived self-efficacy represents one's belief in being able to act. Perceived behavioral control was the most critical variable for predicting high school students' fast food consumption [43], choosing fruits and vegetables for South Asians [44], and predicting the intention to avoid food with additives [45]. Numerous studies have found that attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control affect consumer behavioral intention. This study examines if individuals' experience and neophobia of EIFs show any differences in their attributes of TPB. In addition, this study investigates which attributes affect the behavioral intention to purchase EIFs.

The results of this study have provided insights into consumer perceptions of EIFs. About two thirds of the respondents had eaten EIFs, more specifically silkworm pupa, previously. Since silkworm pupa is considered as a common street snack, Koreans are familiar with it. In addition, it is considered as possible choice for eating if necessary. However, if it was not necessary to eat EIFs, about 63% of participants would choose not to eat them. The reasons were mostly the appearance of the insect (51.7%) and the lack of a need to eat them (43.3%). Taste and nutritional value were not much more important than other reasons. These results show the opposite of the suggestions from the previous study that claimed that sensory traits such as taste were insufficient for insect food acceptance [12]. Emphasizing the taste and nutritional value of EIFs may lead consumers to try them. Furthermore, EIFs without an insect shape were preferred by respondents as an insect appearance was the main reason for not trying an EIF. Therefore, an insect appearance should not be maintained in EIFs. For example, cookies made of insect powder might be more appearing to consumers than cookies with a noticeable insect figure.

Analyses of the t-test results showed that experience plays important role in the consumption of EIFs. Significant differences based on experience with EIFs showed for food neophobia, subjective norm, attitude, and behavioral intention. In other words, those participants who had lower levels of neophobia had more experience with EIFs. Since neophobia is based on a person's emotional cognition towards food, effort is needed to demonstrate that insects are not something new to try. As silkworm pupa is a part of Korean food culture, people are less hesitant about consuming it than other edible insects. This suggests that story telling about an EIF might help reduce the negativity towards the EIF by persuading listeners that consuming it a part of human nature and not a strange practice. In addition, people who follow subjective norms had more experience with EIFs than no experience. People may be swayed by others who influence them. In this case, the necessary reasons for the EIFs given in a social environment and persuaded by influencers are needed. If an individual's reference group eats an EIF, there may be a greater possibility that the person will also try the EIF. Perceived behavioral control did not differ whether experienced or not. In other words, experience may not be the basis for a person's perceived behavioral control. Attitude and behavioral intention were much higher in experienced group, which means that sensory traits influence attitude as they impact on the learning process. However, in this study, the sensory traits were something more than taste. The less there is of an insect appearance in a food, the more charming the shape, color, or smell of the food. Respondents preferred EIFs without insect shapes. When shapes of the insects appeared in a food, consumers hesitated or even were reluctant to try the food. Therefore, packaging and presentation might also help to make a more positive impact on attitude and behavioral intention to purchase EIFs.

Similar trends were found in comparisons of the attributes of the study model between levels of high and low neophobia. The group who had high levels of neophobia showed a much lower value for subjective norm, perceived behavioral control, attitude, and behavioral intention than the group with low neophobia. Furthermore, the high neophobia group showed lower perceived behavioral control, which was not found in the group comparisons of those with experience and without experience. Those in the high neophobia group consider their ability to take the action to try eating EIFs low. This result suggests that those in the high food neophobia group may not have sufficient opportunities to attempt experiencing EIFs. Food neophobia results from negative expectations of taste [1333] and uncertainty of the origin of the food [12]. Therefore, reducing negative expectations by providing more information or opportunities by inducing associations with acquainted food might lead to its acceptance [11]. In addition, increasing the availability of an EIF for purchase or making it affordable might be helpful. Offering information on recipes might help ease people's uncertainty towards a food that they have not tried before or they have a hesitation to consume.

While the results provided insights into the differences in behavioral intention toward EIFs based on experience and high and low levels of food neophobia, the results of the multiple regression analysis suggested other recommendations. Subjective norm and attitude greatly influenced behavioral intention, while experience, food neophobia, and perceived behavioral control did not. In case of EIFs, the other ETPB attributes did not impact on consumer behavioral intention but subjective norm and attitude did. Unlike the results of a previous study [50], subjective norm had a great impact on behavioral intention. If others accept edible insects as regular food ingredients, then those who were hesitant to try EIFs will follow their recommendations. Food neophobia and previous experience did not affect behavioral intention. Food neophobia has been found as a barrier to consuming EIFs in some countries [15]; however, this study did not have the same outcome. It can be speculated that, as was mentioned in a previous study mentioned, the contexts between food neophobia and behaviors are still limited [10]. The development of a context that could help explain the relationship between food neophobia and behavior should be studied. Experience itself did not affect behavioral intention; however, a past study showed that previous experience can make a strong impact on EIF consumption behaviors [4]. Therefore, not only offering acceptable sensory traits but also making good conditions for consuming EIFs is crucial. For example, an EIF sampling event with target consumers and their reference groups will help build positivity towards eating EIFs. The presentation of an EIF makes a positive impact on having a pleasant experience [26] as respondents of this study did not prefer recognizing insect figures in food.

This study utilized the ETPB in order to measure consumer behavioral intention to purchase EIFs. This study contributes new ideas and import results for the development of EIF products and markets. The results of this study suggest that the development of edible insects as food may be more difficult than has been considered. Previous studies have shown that all TPB attributes were strong indicators for predicting food consumption behavioral intentions; however, EIFs are in a different category than the other foods that were considered. Consumers might not recognize EIFs as a part of their regular diet or not even consider them as food. Hence, it is necessary to create public recognition of the importance of EIFs and make them no different than any other animal product. When it comes to EIFs, subjective norm and attitude play crucial roles in consumer behavioral intention. Public acceptance of EIFs should be widely promoted, and EIFs should be shown being utilized by consumers' reference groups or influencers.

The limitations of this study should be considered for future research. This study was conducted in 2 major cities in Korea, which shows geographic and demographic limitations. In addition, a future study might need to include a sensory test with different conditions, such as by utilizing reference groups. As in much of the research using the ETPB, this study used behavioral intention as a proxy for actual behavior rather than actual behavior itself, which might lead to respondents making different decisions. Future studies might need to measure actual consumption behaviors involving EIFs. In addition, a sensory test with the perception of EIFs would help expand the development of the future of EIF products. Results of comparisons between experienced and no experience with EIF groups showed significant differences on behavioral intention. However, when it comes to test a multiple regression model with ETBP variables, experience had no impact on behavioral intention. It suggests that ETBP model might not the best fit to test effectiveness of experience with edible insect on food purchase intention. Hence, adaptations of other theories should be followed in future. Applying other statistical methods would be beneficial for further analyses.