It is imperative to investigate the psychopathology of culture-specific syndromes using a multi-faceted approach, considering their uneven distribution and region-specific concentration.12 Because culture-bound syndromes are closely related to cultural factors, understanding and management from a cultural perspective are warranted. Culture-bound syndromes cannot easily be conceptualized from the viewpoint of the pre-existing psychiatric classification system, which is mainly based on Western psychiatry. Thus, non-Western syndromes need to be described with proper characterization.3 The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) has been the most prestigious taxonomic and diagnostic tool published by American Psychiatric Association (APA). The culture-bound syndromes have been changed into the cultural conceptualizations of distress—which include cultural syndromes, idioms of distress, and explanatory models—along with the revision of DSM-IV to DSM-5, because DSM-5 emphasizes cultural formulation.45 In terms of cultural formulation, as shown in Table 1, South Korea has been mentioned four and five times in DSM-IV and DSM-5, respectively. In DSM-5, hwa-byung (anger syndrome) and taein-kong-po (fear of interpersonal relations) were introduced in the section of cultural concept of distress. Furthermore, it is described that both internet gaming disorder and alcohol-metabolizing enzyme gene polymorphisms are highly prevalent in Koreans.5
In DSM-5, hwa-byung is predominantly regarded as one of the khyâl cap (wind attack)-related conditions in other cultural contexts, and the clinical characteristics of hwa-byung have not been described at all.5 Hwa-byung is prevalent among older married women and is etiologically associated with anger repression that arises from familial conflicts attributed to the patriarchal Korean social system.6 A diagnosis of hwa-byung can be provisionally made on the basis of the symptom criteria including feelings of unfairness, subjective anger, expression of anger, sensation of heat, pushing up in chest, dry mouth, and sighing.7 The lower activity of the anterior cingulate gyrus (the neural substrate of anger) in response to neutral stimuli was observed in patients with hwa-byung.8 However, hwa-byung has merely been used as a folk term to describe “consequences of repressed anger or accumulated rage and sorrow.” Additionally, it has been suggested that its uniqueness is not sure about “a culture-bound syndrome specific to Korean culture.” Therefore, considering the perspective of cultural psychopathology and the established clinical practices specific to South Korea, the term hwa-byung could be used to improve psychiatrist-patient communication.9 Thus, a more detailed description for hwa-byung may be discussed in the further revision of the DSM.
Although shin-byung (divine illness) has been listed as a culture-bound syndrome in the DSM-IV, it has been excluded from the DSM-5. Furthermore, few Korean patients present with “dissociation and possession by ancestral spirits,” or shin-byung.10
The translated Chinese term for fear of interpersonal relations is pronounced differently in Korean (taein-kong-po) and Japanese (taijin-kyofusho).5 An offensive subtype of taein-kong-po (taijin-kyofusho) had initially been conceptualized as a “Japanese culture-specific diagnostic label,” and was clinically characterized by the fear of offending others or making them uncomfortable by staring inappropriately, making rude and improper facial expressions, etc. The offensive subtype is also noted in individuals from New York, Switzerland, and Indonesia along with East Asian countries including Korea and Japan. It is possible that the offensive version of taein-kong-po may be not a culture-bound syndrome, but a clinically relevant syndrome associated with interdependent or independent self-construals.1112 It has previously been reported that 80% of patients in Korea that are suffering from taein-kong-po are primarily treated with pharmacotherapy (antianxiety, propranolol, antidepressant, and antipsychotic) and supportive group-psychotherapy.13
Internet addiction is regarded as one of most serious public mental health problems in Korea, because of its high prevalence and association with pharmacotherapy and/or hospitalization among the Korean children aged 6–19 years.14 An epidemiological study reported that patients categorized in the internet gaming addiction group were characterized by greater proportions of individuals who were unmarried and unemployed, with high frequencies of suicidal ideation, planning, and attempts than those in the non-internet game addiction group in Korea. Herein, “escape from negative emotions” was considered as the primary reason to indulge in internet games among Korean adults diagnosed with internet gaming addiction and depression.15 A meta-analysis of empirical studies reported that internet addiction was associated with “escape from self” and “self-identity” in terms of self-related variables; “attention problem,” “self-control,” and “emotional regulation” in terms of control and regulation-related factors; “addiction and absorption traits” in terms of temperamental variables; “anger” and “aggression” in terms of emotion- and mood-related factors; and “negative stress coping” in terms of coping-related factors in Korea.16 Moreover, a national study reported that, among Korean adolescents, internet addiction was more predominantly present in female students in girls' schools rather than in those in coeducational schools.17
Finally, the following psychopathological issues in Korean neuropsychiatry may need to be considered during the revision of DSM-5: First, to reduce the stigma attached to schizophrenia in Korea, the corresponding Korean term for schizophrenia has been changed from jungshinbunyeolbyung (精神分裂病 in Chinese characters; mind-splitting disorder) to johyeonbyung (調絃病; attunement disorder) in 2011 after collecting diverse opinions.18 Additionally, the Korean term for epilepsy has been revised from gan-jil (癎疾; convulsive disease) to noi-jeon-jeung (腦電症; cerebroelectric disorder).19 Second, due to the cultural deviation between South and North Koreans, the latter have reported a unique preponderance of somatization, alexithymia, and masked depression in terms of psychiatric symptomatology in comparison with South Koreans.20
Notes
References
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